Georgia Democrats press GOP on culture-war issues
Published in News & Features
ATLANTA — Grassroots Democrats in Georgia and across the country have spent the early days of President Donald Trump’s second term imploring their elected officials to be more aggressive in their opposition to the Republican president.
That message may be beginning to break through with Georgia’s state lawmakers.
During the legislative session that just wrapped up, Democrats decided to leverage their limited power.
They’d grown tired of debating various culture-war bills that will likely be campaign fodder for GOP lawmakers running in statewide primaries next year to prove their Republican bona fides.
And by day 39 of the 40-day session, they’d had enough. House Democrats walked out during the floor debate of a bill that would ban transgender people from receiving gender-affirming care while in prison.
Hours later, Senate Democrats filed nearly two dozen floor amendments and used every procedural maneuver at their disposal to delay legislation that would have withheld public funding from any K-12 public school, college or university in Georgia that promotes diversity, equity and inclusion programs. While Republicans pushed that bill through the Senate, it stalled in the House.
Republicans insist the legislation reflects what their constituents — and some public polling — say are the issues that are important to them. But Democrats argued they should have spent their time on issues like feeding hungry children, expanding access to health care or improving public education outcomes.
‘A caucus with backbone’
Georgia’s Democratic lawmakers have spent more than 20 years as the minority party, watching as Republicans have passed most of the legislation they want.
But partisan representation in both the Senate and House is the closest it’s been since they flipped to GOP control. In 2018, 38 of the 56 state senators and 120 of the 180 state representatives were from Republicans. Since then, Democrats have picked up seats and this year have five more members in the Senate and 20 more in the House.
Those closing margins and new leadership encouraged Democrats to increase the pressure on their colleagues on the other side of the aisle this year.
“The people in the state of Georgia sent us here to take care of the real issues. If we’re going to spend our time on frivolous stuff, we might as well take an afternoon walk,” said House Democratic Leader Carolyn Hugley earlier this month.
Hugley, a Democrat from Columbus, had just led almost all of her 80 caucus members out of the chamber in protest of the third Republican-backed bill focused on transgender people the House considered for floor debate this year. The move prompted cheers and applause from transgender rights activists and supporters.
“Our colleagues on the other side of the aisle want to do political theater, so … ?” she said to her caucus members.
“Give them a show,” one of them yelled in response.
The measure ultimately passed 100-2, with three Democrats joining Republicans to support the bill regulating transgender inmates. But it was overshadowed by the protest.
Republicans in House leadership were aghast by the move the bulk of the Democrats made mid-debate.
House Majority Leader Chuck Efstration, a Mulberry Republican, called the walkout “the most disheartening moment” he’s experienced since being elected in 2013.
“To see members flee the chamber because they are unwilling to actually represent their constituency, put the vote on the board and let it be known to all Georgians where they stand is incredibly disappointing,” he said. “This is not the first time that House Republicans have delivered results while Democrats turned a blind eye to the issues impacting our citizens.”
Supporters of the bill say there are likely five transgender people in state prisons.
State Rep. Inga Willis, an Atlanta Democrat, said it was time for her party to “change the temperature.”
“It’s about time,” she said. “I’m thankful for a caucus with backbone. The people want motion and there is power, even within the minority.”
Despite the pushback on several social issues, the GOP managed to pass most of their bills, which are now awaiting the governor’s signature.
Little input accepted
Republicans often chastise Democrats for pulling what they call “stunts” to draw attention to bills they might disagree with. They say Democrats can use the committee process to make suggestions or changes.
“Democrats are on committees that debate all different issues,” said House Speaker Pro Tem Jan Jones, a Republican from Milton. “They can offer amendments and there are changes that are made throughout the process. And then they can vote. So there are many opportunities for them to give input throughout the process, not just when the bill is on the floor.”
But Democrats say it’s not always that easy.
In the Senate, Republicans will use procedural rules to block certain bills from being amended on the floor. House rules rarely allow any bills to be amended on the floor.
For example, state Rep. Stacey Evans, an Atlanta Democrat, attempted to amend a controversial religious liberty bill to say if it becomes law, it would not allow discrimination.
“I tried to give y’all a chance to vote on it, but we’re not going to get to do that,” Evans said during the floor debate of Senate Bill 36. “Why don’t we trust ourselves? Why can’t we vote on this antidiscrimination amendment? Why do our House rules not allow us to just do it anyway?”
A new approach?
Across the hall, Senate Democrats waged their own counteroffensive of what they called a bad bill.
At about 10:30 p.m., when Republicans began debating legislation that would have banned schools from promoting or discussing topics that supporters of the measure say fall under the umbrella of “diversity, equity and inclusion,” Democrats started filing a flurry of amendments.
Many of the amendments aimed to carve out exceptions in the bill. One of them would have clarified that schools still would be allowed to take a position that evolutionary biology is a scientific fact, slavery was the primary contributing cause of the American Civil War and the Holocaust occurred.
One reason Republicans may limit amendments is that it could require them to take official stances on topics, which ranged from serious to symbolic — such as an amendment that would have stopped schools and colleges from recognizing all Major League Baseball players who played prior to the sport being integrated and consider them “recipients of a DEI program.”
Republicans quickly shut down the Democrats’ effort, limiting the debate to only a few people.
Senate Democratic Leader Harold Jones of Augusta called that a “travesty.”
“The Republican Party of Georgia was afraid to actually condemn slavery,” Jones said. “The Republican Party of Georgia was afraid to actually condemn the Confederate States of America.”
Jones said he can see the amendment process continuing to be used to create resistance for bills the caucus disagrees with while also debating the bills they support.
Senate Democratic Caucus Chairwoman Elena Parent of Atlanta did something similar earlier in the session.
During the debate of a bill that would allow people charged under local gun laws to sue cities that pass those ordinances, Parent unsuccessfully attempted to amend the legislation to require gun owners to keep their firearms locked away from children. Republicans blocked her amendment on a party-line vote.
Senate Majority Leader Steve Gooch said the Democratic caucus has accumulated a “deep bench” of talented senators who sometimes makes Republicans work a little harder to pass legislation.
“They’re doing what they’re supposed to do. I don’t necessarily like it, but that’s just the role they have to play,” Gooch said.
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